Wednesday, October 28, 2015

Short Video on the Falange: Spanish Fascist Movement

This short but interesting video treats the viewer to a short course on the Falange. In 1937, Franco won the civil war, and the Falangist movement was united with other groups, such as the Comunión Tradicionalista, into The Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS). It remained the sole party of Spain under Franco's government until its dissolution in 1977.

 

Thursday, October 22, 2015

The Contemporary Politics of the Soviet "Great Famine": Jewish and Russian Rejection of "the Holdomor"

The contemporary power of the Jewish people and the Zionist leadership over World War II and interwar history was brought to bear against the Ukrainian people a few years ago when former President Yushchenko tried to draw attention to the Ukrainian Holodomor. Estimates of Ukrainian deaths place them upwards of ten million. Jewish agencies and the Russian government objected and derailed the effort; Abe Foxman of the Anti-Defamation League met with Ukrainian officials and tried bullying them into downplaying it.

The Holodomor was the attempt to destroy Ukrainian national identity in 1932-33 by Jews and Communists in the early Soviet regime. Jews were central in the event, from the very top of Soviet authority: Lazar Kaganovich, a Jew who at the time was a Politburo member. He was also a member of the Orgburo, a structure in the Party apparatus whose role it was to oversee crucial organizational work in the USSR. This allowed Kaganovich to play a role in placing Jews in crucial posts and overseeing collectivization in the Ukraine.

The local Communist party apparatus in the Ukraine was dominated by Jews. The Soviet secret police, at the time called the NKVD, had a Jewish membership that, like the rest of the Communist Party, was far out of proportion to the Jewish population in the nation as a whole. In the former Russian Empire and the early USSR, Jews accounted for less than 1% of the Soviet Union. Around the time of the Holodomor they comprised more than 30% of members in the NKVD, far out of proportion to their size the nation in its entirety.

The Holodomor occurred in context to the Soviet drive for "collectivization": This aimed to build a socialist structure in agriculture in place of private ownership. There is evidence that the Soviet regime, especially Jewish members of the state and NKVD, saw it as a chance to destroy Ukrainian identity. The Ukraine, out of all of the nationalities of the USSR, suffered the most from the event. The catastrophe is partly reflected in the stunt in population growth: The Ukraine grew by 6.6%, while Russia grew by 16.9%, from 1926 to 1939.

A documentary named Genocide Revealed documents the deliberation that animated the policies of the central Soviet regime. Kevin MacDonald's article and review, misleadingly named "Stalin's Willing Executioners," goes deeper in identifying Jewish animus as a central aspect of early Soviet policy and a guiding force in the unfolding Holodomor.(1)

The physical proximity of Jewish members of the Communist Party and the NKVD as well as the organizational structure developed by the Party apparatus and the Orgburo of which Kaganovich was a part, were paramount to allowing Jews to effect this event.

In the video below, historian Robert S. Sullivant remarks:

"One of the intriguing elements of the Ukraine was that it brought together both 'the peasant question' and 'the nationality question' in a way that was somewhat different than in other areas. Ukrainians tended to concentrate in rural areas. In the city areas, particularly in the eastern Ukraine, it was Russian and Jewish populations that dominated."



More immediately, this failure embodies the realities of Jewish dominance of historical and political narratives in a dying West. Ukrainian officials met Abe Foxman of the ADL, and he used his significant leverage to pressure those officials into downplaying the Holodomor. All of this came on the heels of Ukrainian research that uncovered significant Jewish elements in the NKVD and the Ukrainian Soviet administration at the time of the Holodomor.

Jewish group objects to ‘Great Famine’ case
By Vladimir Matveyev
June 15, 2009 7:22pm

KIEV, Ukraine (JTA) — A Jewish group in Ukraine is objecting to a criminal case brought over the "Great Famine" committed in the 1930s.

The nation’s security service is pressing the case against a list of former Soviet officials accused of committing the Holodomor, which caused the deaths of millions in Ukraine in 1932-33. Most of the names on the list were Jewish.

Ukrainian lawmaker Aleksandr Feldman, leader of the Ukrainian Jewish Committee, said last week that it was "a farce" to press the case.
“All organizers of the Great Famine are dead," he said.

Last July, the Ukrainian Security Service released a list of high-ranking Soviet state and Communist Party officials — as well as officials from NKVD, the police force of Soviet Russia — that essentially blamed Jews and Latvians responsible for perpetrating and executing the famine because most of the names on the list were Jewish.

The Ukrainian Jewish Committee called on the secret service to revise the list, which incited interethnic hatred, in order to clear up the “inaccuracy.”

Feldman believes there is a danger that the “Holodomor Affair” materials are being used for political purposes.

--------------------
Stalin owed his position to a Party apparatus and fledgling nation that had been built with a significant Jewish contribution. I disagree with Dr. MacDonalds's view of the event, as well as that of the book he reviews, that Jewish animus was brought to bear on Ukrainians and other nationalities at Stalin's behest. The early Soviet experiment was animated by Jewish resentment and Stalin's position in 1932-33 was owed in part to this reality. Stalin did not unleash Jews on Ukrainians; a Jewish regime made Stalin possible.

Sunday, October 18, 2015

Adolf Hitler's Poetic Tribute to Mothers: "Be Reminded!"

"Be Reminded!" was written by Adolf Hitler in 1923 and dedicated to his mother. This was written well after her death in 1907. Of Hitler, his family doctor had observed: "In all my career I have never seen anyone so prostrate with grief as Adolf Hitler."

Klara Hitler (1860-1907) was devoted to her son.
Denk' Es, "Be Reminded!"
Adolf Hitler, 1923 
When your mother has grown older,
When her dear, faithful eyes
No longer see life as they once did,
When her feet, grown tired,
No longer want to carry her as she walks,
Then lend her your arm in support,
Escort her with happy pleasure—
The hour will come when, weeping,
You must accompany her on her final walk.
And if she asks you something,
Then give her an answer.
And if she asks again, then speak!
And if she asks yet again, respond to her,
Not impatiently, but with gentle calm.
And if she cannot understand you properly,
Explain all to her happily.
The hour will come, the bitter hour,
When her mouth asks for nothing more.
Published in Sonntag-Morgenpost, May 1933

Friday, October 16, 2015

Speech of Sir Oswald Mosley (1933) at Belle Vue, Manchester

"For this shall be the epic generation whose struggle and whose sacrifice shall decide whether man again shall know the dust or whether man at last shall grasp the stars." 
- Sir Oswald Mosley, Tomorrow We Live
The following was taken from the Britannia blog, whose owner released the clip to me. The source of this post is from the journal, Blackshirt, 21-27 Oct., 1933.


The following report is from Blackshirt, Oct. 21st - Oct. 27th, 1933

The Leader's Enthusiastic Reception

8000 Cheering People at Belle Vue




From Deansgate to Belle Vue fifty thousand people line the streets! Manchester's grey sky lifts as if in welcome, and a shaft of sunlight beams upon the white majesty of the Cenotaph! From the balconies of upper windows, white excited faces gazed earthwards.

In the distance the crowd presses back; and the muffled roar of drums heralds the approaching Fascists. The roar increases, the martial air of a brass band seeps through the atmosphere. There is a roar from the crowd - and a cheer! The Union Jack has come into view; and behind it the long, steady column of the Black Shirts.

Some of the crowd are vociferous in "Hurrahs" and cheers; a few standing well out of harm's way, let go an occasional, half-hearted "Boo". From slight movements in the crowd one can imagine what is happening - for the "Boos" soon cease.

As they approach the Cenotaph, flags dip. Sharp orders, and arms raise in unison to salute the dead of Lancashire.

The column marches on. More than half the crowd are silent - they didn't know Fascism was like this.

And still they come. Column after column; line after line. Onward through the streets; the Northern folk look in respect at these sturdy men - marching with a precision brought about by organised control; men marching with a common determination that nothing shall break their line; that nothing shall lessen the great dignity of the Fascist cause. Ahead of the column, marching alone is The Leader.

From the Cenotaph to Belle Vue the streets are meaner; and, as if to emphasize their dreariness, the sun hides, and rain comes drizzling down.

But Fascists don't care - their march is unbroken, their formation perfect. Of over three thousand men not one is out of step. In the drizzle, the spectators stand still and watch.

And so to Belle Vue. Once there, there is a clamour for food. The meeting does not begin for an hour and a half yet. The thousands take their places; the busy white-aproned waitresses ply their plates. Suddenly, from one end of the hall, there is a roar - "The Leader". In a flash a sea of black draped arms fly upwards; a myriad throats roar a welcome ... "M-O-S-L-E-Y".

The rafters rock to the noise. For a good five minutes it continues; while The Leader stands smiling. He does not waste time in making speeches - that will come later; tea now, is more important.

By seven-o-clock the meal is over, and Fascists fly into the Hall. The Hall holds eight thousand; most of those eight thousand seats have already been booked. The two end seats in each row are reserved for Fascists - the centres for the public. We are expecting trouble tonight; for the Reds are numerous here - and , with any self-respect at all, they cannot let us go without creating some sort of noise.

The gangways of the arena are lined with Black Shirts; the film men and press photographers fidget on a platform. At tables below sit the newspaper men - wondering how they will tackle this somewhat unusual "story".

At a signal, four enormous searchlights fizz and splutter into blinding activity. Slowly they sweep the hall - and focus on the Union Jack'ed doorway. The curtains part. A hush of expectation rolls up on the vast assembly - hardly a seat unoccupied.

"Here he comes," somebody whispers - and a veritable giant of a man, marches easily into the glare of light.


There is a welcoming roar from the Blackshirts; with the cheers of half the hall not far behind. The Leader takes his stand, and raises his right arm upwards. He has given the salute.


Camera men get busy; "still" photographers busily click their cameras and change their plates.

"Will you please sit down," says The Leader quietly; and in that mild request there is a volume of power.

Now he starts: "Britain For The British!" "Wake Up, you men of England!"

Facts and figures tumble from his mouth. His great voice rises in emotion; the platform rocks to his gestures - the audience cheer - and cheer - and cheer. He has got them.

The solid Lancashire man and woman, from an initial distrust of this revolutionary movement, has been quick to grasp that this man is no visionary - he is talking solid common sense: giving them business details that they themselves know to be only too true.


So far there has been no 'trouble', and we don't quite know where the Reds are seated (for tickets have been given to anyone who wanted them - we didn't enquire what their politics were). The Leader warms to the subject of unemployment - and a dissentient voice rises at the back of the hall. The Black Shirts over there tell him to be quiet - question time will come later. He won't be quiet. He is warned again. His interruption is the signal for organised noise. All right - if they want trouble, they shall have it. A brief scuffle and four men are carried struggling outside. Stewards at the door know what to do with them.

The Leader calls for silence; and the hubbub dies.

Through the microphones he says: "You have just witnessed an incident which, without the action of a Fascist Defence Force, would have meant the end of free speech this evening. There are thousands of people here tonight who have come to listen to the creed of Fascism".

The crowd like that - the 'crowd' have not come to heckle, or to cat-call: they have come to listen, whether they like Fascism or not.

All this has happened within the first half-an-hour of the meeting. From then until the end of the meeting there is no more disturbance. If there are any more Reds present - they are keeping very quiet indeed.

The Leader warms once more to his subject. He tells them that at one of his recent agricultural meetings he was challenged to tell a Manchester audience what Fascism would do for agriculture.

"I accept that challenge," he continues, "and here is what we will do for agriculture - -"

The crowd listen. They know that often the interests of agriculture and industry clash.

"Your market," he tells them. "is at home, British farmers and farm labourers cannot buy your goods because foreign foodstuffs pour into this country at prices at which they cannot compete. Tariffs are no good - you have to have, in certain cases, total exclusion of goods. Britain will buy from those who buy British. There is a large and potential home market for your Manchester goods, as there is abroad. By the Corporate State method, whereby both wages and prices are systematically and simultaneously and scientifically raised - there is room in this country to sell a very large percentage of the goods that Lancashire can produce."


The audience rises to the point, for each in their own way have felt the slimy touch of the alien menace. They know how their sons and daughters are being kept out of jobs by aliens - not necessarily aliens in those same jobs - but by aliens who control the financing of those jobs - aliens who have no more love for Great Britain than that they shall make as much money out of us in as short a time as possible.

Thousands jump to their feet, cheering wildly, when The Leader concludes with a passionate appeal to their love of country, and a demand that Fascism shall build a country worthy of that love.

Question time: A flood of pencil written notes pours upon the platform. The Leader answers them swiftly and without hesitation,"Where is your money invested?" "England" - "Under Fascism would a father have to support an unemployed son?" - "No, the State would" - "Do you believe in the abolition of tithes?" - "Yes. If the State wants a State church, the State should support it, and not dump the responsibily upon agriculture." (Cheers).

The band strikes up "God Save The King." Eight thousand people stand to attention; Fascists with arms raised. Eight thousand voices chorus for the King's safety - for they know, and Fascism knows, that the King's safety means the nations safety.

The crowd file through the barriers - and home. Then, Fascists form into marching order - and away into the night; the three mile march back to Manchester.

In an ante-room fifty pressmen swill their drinks and ask silly questions. All flattery they are; and somewhat fearful of what their respective news-editors will say to this "story".

They, as Manchester journalists, know that this is the biggest thing that has happened in Manchester for years. They know that no other speaker could have raised such enthusiasm as The Leader. They know, in their hearts, that he talked sound common sense all the evening - that not a single argument of his but was cast-iron in its foundations and in its method of application.

As the press-men swilled their drinks, a crowd of hooligans waited for our Fascists in the darkness of back alleys. In their hands were potatoes from which jutted safety razor blades; and broken beer bottles.

As the first column passed, a volley of missiles came at them. A drummer had his head gashed open; another man was hurt. But the hooligans didn't get away. The Fascists wasted no time - five hooligans were caught, and five hooligans went to hospital. There was no trouble after that.

Next day: the morning papers.

The news-editors had got busy; the sub-editors' blue pencils had been wielded to effect. For news-editors and sub-editors have their jobs to keep - and you don't keep your job on a newspaper if you say what you think these days; you have to say what your proprietor thinks. "The Manchester Guardian" at least published the speech correctly; but decried the right of Fascists to have free speech.

The other papers were non-committal, and made great headlines over stones being thrown at Fascists - and left out The Leader's speech. The picture papers did us better.

The "News Chronicle" treated its public to a column of lies and misrepresentation. The "Daily Express" reporter never took a single note during The Leader's speech, but, like the other reporters dashed to the 'phone as soon as a slight fight occurred. But the"Daily Herald" - only the "Herald" - knew the purport of those 8,000 cheering people. And the "Herald" was frightened. The "Herald" said nothing at all.

Williamson on Mosley and "the spirit of the farm"

"The spirit of the farm and what I was trying to do there, was the spirit of Oswald Mosley. It was all part of the same battle." 
- Henry Williamson
Henry Williamson (1895-1977), writer and ruralist.

Monday, October 12, 2015

Neville Chamberlain's 1938 Letter to the Hitler Youth

In 1938, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain wrote a letter to the Hitler Youth. In it he praised them for "taking responsibility" for their "country's future," "national heritage and traditions," "national honour" and "national sovereignty." He broadened the letter to a general admonition to the youth of Germany to be mindful of their responsibility for "the future of the world," naming the year 1938 as "The Year of Understanding."(1)

Today, Chamberlain's critics, particularly pro-Israel neoconservatives who enjoy using his legacy as an "appeaser" to ridicule enemies of US interventionism, peddle ignorance about Hitler's real goals. They use this letter as proof of Chamberlain's moral laxity in the face of Hitler's aims. Chamberlain's critics are right to argue that Hitler was bent on war, but he wanted Britain as an ally; the war Hitler wanted was a war against the USSR.



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(1) This letter turned up while searching for interwar correspondence. This letter was written and sent within a year prior to the outbreak of British and German hostilities. It evidences a strain of thought in Chamberlain's worldview that inclined to Anglo-German peace.

Saturday, October 10, 2015

Houston S. Chamberlain's 1923 Letter to Adolf Hitler

Houston S. Chamberlain was a British philosopher, son-in-law of Richard Wagner, racial theorist, and a prolific writer and thinker whose ideas influenced NSDAP racial policy. In 1923, two years before Mein Kampf was published and a full ten years before Hitler took office, H.S. Chamberlain wrote a letter to Hitler. In this letter, reproduced below, he took up a defense of Hitler against accusations then in circulation, conveyed hope for a revival of Germany, and acknowledged Hitler as the rightful leader of Germany.

Cosima Wagner, second wife of Richard Wagner,
with H. S. Chamberlain, in Bordighera 1913.

The letter was sent on 7 October, 1923.

I found the letter here. It can also be found on page 85 of a book titled The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts; a .pdf of this book can be found here.
Most respected and dear Herr Hitler: 
You have every right to be surprised at this intrusion having seen with your own eyes how difficult it is for me to speak. But I cannot resist the urge to address a few words to you. I view this, however, as an entirely one-sided act, i.e. I do not expect an answer from you. 
I have been wondering why it was you of all people, you who are so extraordinary in awakening people from sleep and humdrum routines, who recently gave me a longer and more refreshing sleep than I have experienced since that fateful day in August 1914 when I was first struck down by this insidious sickness. Now I believe I understand that it is precisely this that characterizes and defines your being: the true awakener is at the same time the bestower of peace. 
You are not at all, as you have been described to me, a fanatic. In fact, I would call you the complete opposite of a fanatic. The fanatic inflames the mind, you warm the heart. The fanatic wants to overwhelm people with words, you wish to convince, only to convince them-and that is why you are successful. Indeed, I would also describe you as the opposite of a politician, in the commonly accepted sense of the word, for the essence of all politics is membership of a party, whereas with you all parties disappear, consumed by the heat of your love for the fatherland. It was, I think, the misfortune of our great Bismarck that he became, as fate would have it (by no means through innate predisposition), a little too involved in politics. May you be spared this fate. 
You have immense achievements ahead of you, but for all your strength of will I do not regard you as a violent man. You know Goethe's distinction between force and force.  There is the force that stems from and in turn leads to chaos, and there is the force which shapes the universe.... It is this creative sense that I mean when I number you among the constructive men rather than those who are violent. 
I constantly ask myself whether the poverty of political instinct for which Germans are so often blamed may not be symptomatic of a much deeper talent for state-building. In any case the German's organizational skills are unsurpassed and his scientific capacity is unequalled. In the essay Politische Ideale I pinned my hopes on this. The ideal kind of politics is to have none. But this non-politics must be frankly acknowledged and forced upon the world through the exercise of power. Nothing will be achieved so long as the parliamentary system dominates; for this the Germans have, God knows, not a spark of talent!  I consider its prevalence to be the greatest misfortune; it can only drag us continually into the mire and ruin every plan for a healthy and revitalized father­land.
But I am digressing, for I wanted only to speak of you. That you brought me peace is related very much to your eyes and hand gestures. Your eye works almost as a hand: it grips and holds a person; and you have the singular quality of being able to focus your words on one particular listener at any given moment. As for your hands, they are so expressive in their movement that they rival your eyes. Such a man brings rest to a poor suffering spirit! Especially when he is dedicated to the service of the father­land. 
My faith in Germandom has never wavered for a moment, though my hopes had, I confess, reached a low ebb. At one blow you have transformed the state of my soul. That Germany in its hour of greatest need has given birth to a Hitler is proof of vitality; your actions offer further evidence, for a man's per­sonality and actions belong together. That the magnificent Ludendorff openly supports you and embraces your movement: what a wonderful combination! 
I was able to sleep without a care. Nothing caused me to awaken again. May God protect you!

Friday, October 2, 2015

The Iron Guard and the Sanctity of Death

"A Legionnaire loves death, for his blood shall cement the future Legionary Romania." 
- Corneliu Codreanu, Nest Leader's Manual
Codreanu believed of the nation that it is composed not only of living, breathing men, but also of the departed dead, their bones and decaying flesh, graves, and tombs. The dead were as much members of the nation as the living; the Romanian nation a kingdom of the dead and living. Death was a sacred event, honored in hymns, songs, and ceremonies.

Codreanu, killed in 1938, did not live to see the "Legionary State"; his
body, and that of members of the Decemviri and Nicadori Iron Guard
death squads, was exhumed and ritually buried in 1940.

A death hymn recited by the youth wing of the Romanian Iron Guard:

Moartea, numai moartea legionară
Ne este cea mai scumpă nuntă dintre nunţi,
Pentru sfânta cruce, pentru ţară
Înfrângem codrii şi supunem munţi;
Nu-i temniţă să ne-nspăimânte,
Nici chin, nici viforul duşman;
De cădem cu toţi, izbiţi în frunte,
Ni-i dragă moartea pentru Căpitan!

Death, only a Legionnaire's death
Is our dearest wedding of weddings,
For the Holy Cross, for the country
We defeat forests and conquer mountains;
No prison can frighten us,
Nor any torture, or enemy storm;
If we all fall, hit in the forehead,
Death for the Captain is dear to us!


The following is from the Wikipedia entry on the Iron Guard's "death squads":
It was during the Legionnaire-dominated Students' Congress of April 3-5, 1936, held at Târgu Mureş, that the death squads were officially established. However, writing in The Nest Leader's Manual, which appeared in May 1933, Codreanu taught: "A Legionnaire loves death, for his blood shall cement the future Legionary Romania". In 1927, at the Guard's very creation, its members swore to be "strong by severing all ties connecting us with mundane things..., by serving the cause of the Romanian nation and the cause of the Cross". By claiming to renounce material wealth and invoking the Cross, the Legionnaires were channeling Christ: they believed they would die for the nation as he had died to redeem mankind. Vasile Marin, who made important contributions to Legionnaire doctrine, amplified on this notion when he praised the Nicadori in 1934: "Three young students have committed an act in the service of a great cause. You all know what that act was. Their sacrifice was inspired by a great idea. It was done in the name of a great idea. They performed this act, and now they are paying the price".
Codreanu's belief that the nation was composed of the living and the dead remained central to the Legionaries' worldview well after, and likely partly due to, Codreanu's death.
Furthermore, Legionnaires were animated by the idea that the nation included both the dead and the living, with its heroes providing assistance to the latter when invoked. This element of their ideology involved an authentic mystique of the idea of dying for one's nation, as those killed in the course of their duties automatically became heroes who could continue to support their living comrades' undertakings. This enthusiasm for death motivated Moţa, who went to Spain to die for Romania so that (as he believed) his country would be redeemed in God's eyes, as well as in the death-exalting literature produced by that segment of the intellectual élite which had proved receptive to Legionary ideas: Mircea Eliade, Radu Gyr, Constantin Noica...